本館出版品

日治時期臺灣媒體對孫中山形象的塑造與傳播

The Formation and Dissemination of Sun Yat-sen’s Image in Taiwanese Media from the Japanese Colonial Period

孫學研究

1996-265-7

半年刊

2025/03/12

第38期

p.99-127

孫中山在革命、建國期間，正是臺灣被日本殖民統治的前半段。雖是如此，臺灣對中國訊息的掌握，並不封閉，特別是當時的報紙(媒體)。本文將以記憶理論，印象認知為理論，透過《臺灣日日新報》、《臺灣民報》報導孫中山的行蹤為探討內容，不僅《臺灣日日新報》的讀者，對孫中山有所認知，甚至影響到《臺灣民報》的關注。
孫中山的革命事蹟，經《臺灣日日新報》不斷的傳播，他的革命家形象已深印在臺灣人的腦海中。《臺灣民報》創刊後，他被形塑成統一中國的希望，信奉三民主義的國民黨，也被形塑成具有理念的政黨。他北上發表「廢除不平等條約」、「召開國民會議」主張後，立即引起《臺灣民報》編輯群的注意。
要「廢除不平等條約」，其前提是日華要親善，讓臺灣人看到臺灣地位可望提升之曙光。在「召開國民會議」上，批判的對象由軍閥轉向帝國主義，軍閥不過是個傀儡，列強才是中國禍亂之根源。這不僅是中國人，連臺灣人都期許國民黨北伐成功，統一中國。蔣介石為三民主義的繼承人，以孫中山的民族主義主張，作為抗日宣傳與動員民眾旗幟，日後影響著臺灣人的抗日活動，也為臺灣光復運動奠下基礎。
受到「打倒帝國主義」」理念影響，讓共產國際及共產思想得以在中國茁壯，這種轉變，也讓臺灣文化協會走上分裂之途，最後被鎮壓而沉寂消失。認同召開「國民會議」的蔡孝乾，以及受到「容共」影響的翁澤生，他們認同無產階級理念，加入了共產黨，與國民黨形成對立局面。易言之，20年代中國國民黨選擇以俄為師的黨務改革，不僅影響著中國知識分子的選擇，至今還影響著海峽兩岸的政治發展。

Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary and nation-building period coincides with the first half of Taiwan’s colonial rule under Japan. Despite this, access to information about China in Taiwan was not entirely restricted, particularly through newspapers and other media of the time. This study applies memory theory and impression cognition as analytical frameworks, examining reports on Sun Yat-sen’s activities in Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō (the Taiwan Daily News) and the Taiwan Minpao (Taiwan People’s Report). The findings suggest that not only were readers of Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō aware of Sun Yat-sen, but this awareness even influenced his coverage in Taiwan Minpao.
Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary achievements were continuously disseminated through Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō, embedding his image as a revolutionary deeply in the minds of the Taiwanese people. After the establishment of Taiwan Minpao, he was further portrayed as the hope for China’s unification, while the Kuomintang (KMT), which upheld the Three Principles of the People, was depicted as a political party of principles. When he traveled to northern China and called to “abolish unequal treaties” and to “convene a national assembly”, these statements immediately attracted the attention of the editorial team at Taiwan Minpao.
The prerequisite to “abolish unequal treaties” was that Japan and China had to have friendly relations, a notion that offered the Taiwanese people a glimmer of hope for an improved status for Taiwan. And in Sun’s call to “convene a national assembly”, the focus of his criticism shifted from the warlords to imperialism itself, portraying the warlords merely as puppets while identifying the Great Powers as the true source of China’s turmoil. This perspective was not only embraced by the Chinese but also resonated with the Taiwanese, who hoped for the Kuomintang’s success in the Northern Expedition and the unification of China. As the successor of the Three Principles of the People, Chiang Kai-shek adopted Sun Yat-sen’s nationalist stance as a rallying call for anti-Japanese propaganda and mass mobilization. This, in turn, influenced Taiwanese resistance against Japanese rule and laid the foundation for Taiwan’s postwar restoration movement.
The principle of “Overthrowing Imperialism” facilitated the growth of Comintern (Communist International) and communist thought in China. This ideological shift also led to the fragmentation of the Taiwanese Cultural Association, which ultimately faced suppression and faded into obscurity. Advocates of the National Assembly, such as Tsai Hsiao-chien, and those influenced by the policy of accommodating communists (ronggong), like Weng Tse-sheng, identified with proletarian ideals and joined the Communist Party, positioning themselves in opposition to the Kuomintang (KMT). In other words, the KMT’s decision in the 1920s to adopt Soviet-style party reforms not only influenced the choices of Chinese intellectuals at the time, but continues to shape political developments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait today.

國立國父紀念館

臺北市

投稿日：民國113年09月30日；接受刊登日：民國114年02月26日