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總統提名權與立法院同意權的角力:以監察委員難產為例 detail

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總統提名權與立法院同意權的角力:以監察委員難產為例

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題名

總統提名權與立法院同意權的角力:以監察委員難產為例

題名(英)

The Controversial Issue between President's Nomination Power and Parliament's Consent Power

作者
胡春雷
期刊

孫學研究

ISSN

1996-265-7

出版頻率

半年刊

出版西元年月日

2006/11/12

卷期

創刊號

頁次

P095-129

關鍵詞
司法考試監察權獨立憲政體制提名權同意權
關鍵詞(英)
Independence of Jurisdiction PowerExamination Power and Control PowerConstitutional SystemNomination PowerConsent Power
全文內容

  我國監院從2005年2月起即出現「空窗期」迄今。國會以同意權對抗總統的提名權,乃中外憲政體制設計上所容許的政治角力。不過,空窗期若拖延長久,難免對憲政秩序造成傷害,又讓貪官污吏獲得查贓假期,逍遙法外,實非社稷之福。
  西方先賢深受基督教「原罪觀」濡染,體認人性難逃腐敗,凡人皆有無限貪婪與野心,傾向罪惡墮落,因此,在設計憲政制衡機制時特別慎重,力建周密嚴謹的法規範,以阻擋個人濫權。
  司法、考試、監察三者,皆必須「獨立」行使職權。為保障司法獨立,歐、美、亞諸國,皆戮力建構多元主義的憲法法院,刻意促使大法官來自不同的提名源頭,以兼容並蓄不同的思想與聲音,令彼不至於輕易被外力干涉或操縱,確保獨立行使憲法所賦予的使命。
  美國聯邦最高法院9位終身職的大法官,向來由數位有任期的總統提名,幾無一位總統能包辦1/3以上的提名權,遂能維持其意識型態的多元性,且因多元而獨立。中、美兩國總統,表面上擁有類似的提名權,但實質差異甚鉅;兩國關鍵性的不同,在於,我總統享有的,不是一位或零星幾位監委或考委、大法官的提名權,而是「全部」,無形中,很容易出現形同「司法內閣」、「考試內閣」、「監察內閣」的三院,這是多麼大的權力!更今人憂心的是,我國國會同意權又遠較歐、美粗糙,美國參議院對大法官被提名人的審查,係經由兩階段嚴謹的聽證會與調查等程序。反觀我國,立法院僅依賴三個條文行使大拜拜式的大法官、監察委員、考試委員的同意權審查。審查機制與審查過程,潦草粗率,簡陋之至。
  總統提名權過大,國會又僅有消極簡陋的(不)同意權,實無法令三院組成多元結構,當前三院「整體意識形態」、「整個憲政制度」,均處於「結構性缺陷」的困境。欲建立三院獨立性,必須從全面檢討如何健全相關法制,以規範總統行使提名權與國會行使同意權的方向著手。

全文內容

  Our Control Yuan has appeared blank vacation since February 2005. That the Legislative Yuan assumed Consent power to check and balance the nomination power of the President is universally allowed by most constitutions. However, if the blank period is too long our constitutional system will inevitably be harmed.
  Western philosophers were deeply influenced by the idea of Christian original sin and therefore aware that corruption is unavoidable for human nature. So, they have been very deliberate to formulate prudent and severe legal institutions to regulate and limit personal powers of political leaders.
  Judicial Yuan, Examination Yuan and Control Yuan must independently perform their powers. European, American and Asian countries have made many efforts to create diversified origins for the grand justices of chancery because "diversification" is just the prerequisite for keeping independence of jurisdiction.
  Our President owns the nomination of all the most essential members of the three Yuans and there is almost no any limit for this power. So, if he(she) has a strong, firm and selfish will, it is easy to appear "Judicial cabinet" "Examination cabinet" and "Control cabinet". How a dangerously big power in the only one's grip it is! Furthermore, unfortunately the regulations of performance of the consent power for the Legislative Yuan is too rough and crude. The legal articles and process of qualifications' examination for the candidates of the three Yuans are huddle and cursory.
  Now that we understand the significance of "diversification" of origins, we must make a comprehensive review and try to establish a set of sound legal systems to change the inconsequent status quo.

出版者

國立國父紀念館

出版地

臺北市

備註

GPN:2009503228